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A PRA, the ULFA
and Apunba Lup
Will the PM extend the warmth of his recent
visit to all Northeasterners, asks Sunil Nath
 This
was Dr Manmohan Singh’s second visit to Assam and the first to Manipur
as the prime minister of India. The fact that his permanent address is Saru
Motoria in Assam and he represents Assam in the Rajya Sabha should have
meant that his visit would be a joyous occasion. Unfortunately, many in
Assam hold that he is only a PRA (Postal Resident of Assam). He made Assam
his permanent address when Hiteswar Saikia, the late chief minister of Assam,
offered to provide a safe seat for the new finance minister, in the PV Narasimha
Rao regime.
While most people in Assam have been happy to have this unpretentious academic,
who ushered in the modern era in Indian economics, as their representative
in Parliament, there have been occasional rumblings in Congress circles
for being compelled to share scarce Rajya Sabha seats with central nominees.
While he represented Assam in Parliament, he was never considered an insider
here. Saikia had given a section of his personal residence to Singh, in
order to complete the formalities. He has continued to be their ‘tenant’
since.
After his tenure as the finance minister and Saikia’s death, Singh
visited Assam off and on. But no regular Congressmen ever bothered to visit
him. No Congressmen ever thought that he would ever become important enough
to be paid a courtesy visit! Even after the Congress recaptured Assam, the
chief minister and his colleagues just paid formal obeisance to Singh and
never thought it necessary to consult him on government or party matters.
All that changed instantly when Sonia Gandhi started listening to her “inner
voice”. Singh suddenly became the pride of Assam and crackers were
burst to celebrate the rise of the first ‘Assamese prime minister’.
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another
home: Manmohan Singh |
Singh’s second
visit should have been an occasion of festivities. He flagged off the first
Indo-ASEAN car rally, to herald a new era of trade and tourism between Northeast
India and Southeast Asia. However, the Illegal Migrants Determination by
Tribunals Act, 1983 (IMDT) cropped up as a party spoiler. The All Assam
Students Union (AASU), a powerful organisation, threatened to oppose the
visit since the upa cabinet had decided to retain the IMDT Act against the
decades-old demand of the Assamese nationalists to repeal it.
This controversial legislature, applicable only to Assam, divides the people
into fiercely opposing sides. Most minority organisations say that without
the IMDT, the minorities (the Muslims) will become insecure, a stand supported
by the Congress. The Assamese-speaking nationalist camp claims that this
Act provides legal protection to illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. AASU’s
decision to actively disrupt Singh’s visit was backed by the influential
Northeast Students Organisation (NESO) and the main opposition party, the
Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) . Ultimately, a meeting between the chief minister
and AASU leaders was held to convey the Centre’s assurance that the
Assam Accord of 1985, which contains reference to amending the IMDT Act,
will be implemented. The students called off their protest.
Quite the reverse awaited the prime minister in Manipur. The Manipuris,
with a proud heritage and rich culture, are desperate to get rid of the
Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958 (AFSPA) — a draconian law. The
AFSPA is an anachronism belonging to the colonial era that gives extraordinary
powers to security forces. Any officer above the rank of sergeant has the
power to arrest and kill anybody simply because the victim is suspected
to be an insurgent. No officer is answerable to any court.
Though applied to many parts of the Northeast including Assam, Manipuris
have felt the brunt of this law in the hands of the Assam Rifles. Since
the alleged rape and killing of Manorama, the upsurge reached its peak with
women parading naked in front of Kangla Fort, the Assam Rifles hq. After
much dilly-dallying by a clueless Union Home Minister, Apunba Lup, a front
of 32 organisations, has been assured that Centre would seriously reconsider
the law. Singh handed over the Kangla Fort to the state government. A more
humane law in place of AFSPA has been promised. Will the prime minister
extend this positive gesture to all Northeasterners — a much misunderstood
people?
The latest in Assam is the initiative taken by Jnanpith winner Mamoni Roysom
Goswami — to bring the ULFA, a proscribed outfit demanding secession
and sovereignty, into negotiations. Goswami (also, a professor in Delhi
University) met the prime minister with a proposal, apparently approved
by the ULFA. After listening to his former colleague, Singh assured speedy
response to see peace return.
When it seemed that a peaceful solution may be achievable after 25 years
of bloody conflict, the ULFA has dampened expectations by demanding a written
assurance from the Centre, under its seal, mentioning that the demand for
‘sovereignty’ would be the core point of discussion. It is unlikely
that Delhi will accept this. The feeling here is that ULFA is using the
good intentions of Goswami to engage in a tactical game. It is under pressure
from the civil society to enter into peace talks. Thus, the pretense.
The writer is Features Editor, Dainik Janasadharan, an Assamese daily
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December 04, 2004
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