| From
Tehelka Magazine, Vol 6, Issue 25, Dated Jun 27, 2009 |
|
| CULTURE & SOCIETY |
|
conservation |
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‘The Forest Conservation
Act Is Sacrosanct’
Jairam Ramesh has a lot on his agenda, from saving the
tiger to stopping illegal mining, finds PRERNA SINGH BINDRA
It’s an unexpected encounter.
The Minister of State for Environment
and Forests (MoEFF),
Jairam Ramesh, seated atop
an elephant, is galumphing
through Corbett Tiger Reserve
 |
Burning bright
A tiger at the Cobett Tiger Reserve |
hoping to glimpse a tiger. The
sight is vaguely reassuring,
given the grim state of the
country’s wildlife, and the
government’s indifference to
critical environment issues. It’s
too early to tell if this enthusiasm
will translate into real
change within the MoEFF. But
the ministry has been infused
with new energy since the
swearing in of the minister
on May 28. Jairam Ramesh is
on the job tackling issues like
the lack of monitoring of
environment obligations of
industries and development
projects.
THE AGENDA
Empowered, science-driven
Environment Protection
Authorities
Specialisation stream in the
forest service for improved
wildlife management. Debureaucratise
the MOEF, and
make it a more scientific, professional
body, as was envisaged
at the time of inception
A tripartite agreement between
National Tiger Conservation
Authority, states
and Tiger Reserve authorities
for shared responsibility
and accountability
Comprehensive security plan
including censors and microlight
aircraft
Fast tracking a redefined
Special Tiger Protection
Force.
Plugging back tourism money
into tiger reserves and rationalising
tourism infrastructure
around Protected Areas |
When TEHELKA corners
the minister in Corbett, he is
wearing shorts… and a satisfied
smile. He has just seen a
tigress “and-a-half” (her cub)
who charged the approaching
elephant, unconcerned about
the VIP status of those seated
atop it. It’s the minister’s first
tiger, and he is thrilled. He is
happy to be here. “It’s so
much nicer to be looking at
this than at some power
plant,” he quips, waving at
the fecund forest. Clearly,
right now, Jairam Ramesh
isn’t bothered about political
correctness. He is too busy
listening to sambar alarm
calls, assessing solar lamps
and addressing the need for
a comprehensive security
plan for Corbett. In a conversation
with TEHELKA, Jairam
Ramesh outlines his ministry’s
strategy for the future.
You have come to the
environment ministry from
the ‘other side’, i.e., you
were the minister of state
for commerce and industry
and power. Are you a
stranger to the subject? And
does this explain your first
statement, which said, “The
environment ministry must
be industry-friendly”?
My acquaintance with the
natural world began when I
was nine and was gifted EP
Gee’s The Wildlife of India.
The book is a classic with a
beautiful foreword by Jawaharlal
Nehru that has stayed
with me all these years.
I have long had an interest
in the subject. I have been
tracking the climate change
issue ever since it first broke
on the international scene
and long before it became a
buzzword in India. In my
capacity as the power minister,
I pushed for clean coal.
When I called on the prime
minister, he told me that the
environment ministry should
not become an unnecessary,
nontransparent and dilatory
regulatory hurdle to growth.
I was simply referring to that.
The PM is concerned about
economic growth. That
does not imply overlooking
environmental concerns,
but integrating them with
economic development.
However, we have seen environmental
concerns eroding
on the fast track to development.
TEHELKA exposed
how the rejection rate of
environmental clearances
has been less than one
percent in the two years
since the new Environment
Policy came into force.
Yes, I am aware. In my view,
the 2006 legislation was
detrimental to our
ecological security.
Let’s face it: our environmental
regulations
(including
Environment Impact Assessment)
today, whether they
relate to the environment or
forestry, meet industrial and
not environmental objectives.
Mainly because we
lack an effective monitoring
body and a culture of compliance.
Also, successive
governments have seen the
environment as a cost to be
incurred, not as an obligation
to be fulfilled. Yes, there is a
need to reform regulations.
But we need to make
them environment-friendly
and not industry-friendly.
So you wouldn’t sacrifice
the environment for shortterm
economical gains.
I concede that sometimes
there must be
trade-offs. But
fundamentally,
economic development
and ecological
security are linked. You
cannot have one without the
other. To me, the Gross Domestic
Product also reads as
Green Domestic Product.
Ecological security is really
the engine that drives the
other compartments —
power, health, education. If
that engine breaks down,
then everything collapses.
The problem in our country
is that environmental
concern is removed from
economic development. The
two must be integrated at
every stage. For example,
when you build a power
plant, systems and safeguards
to minimise environmental
impact must be in place. The
other problem is that the environment
is perceived to be
an elitist obsession. It’s not. If
you go back to Mrs Indira
Gandhi’s 1972 Stockholm
speech, she said that the
problems of environment are
linked to issues of poverty, land degradation, livelihoods,
food and water security.
Which is why environmental
governance must be integral
to our growth.
And what’s your government’s
commitment to
saving the tiger?
We are totally committed to
saving the tiger and India’s
bio-diversity. I would stop
using the label ‘Project Tiger’
and call it ‘Project Eco-
System’. We need to communicate
effectively that saving
the tiger is not some middleclass
obsession. It is an
ecological imperative — by
saving the tiger, you are
saving the forests. The tiger
is merely the symbol. By
saving it, we ensure our
water security. Similarily, by
saving the snow leopard, we
save our mountains; when
we protect the river dolphin,
we save our river systems.
Another concern is the
Protected Areas, which are
being fragmented by dams
and highways despite The
Forest Conservation Act,
which, essentially, disallows
non-forest activities.
The only thing that Mrs
Sonia Gandhi told me when
I took over the job is that the
Forest Conservation Act is
sacrosanct. That’s the Bible
for me. Fact is, it is this law
that has saved our forests.
Before the Act, 1.40 lakh
hectares of forest used to be
diverted every year. Post the
Act, it’s down to 31,000.
Naturally, there is a big lobby
for liberalising this Act
under any pretext. I cannot
be party to any decision that
allows for significant diversion
of forest land. I look
upon any proposal for diversion
of forest area of over 50 acres with a great deal of
scrutiny. I have been turning
down proposals for water
supply projects and highways
cutting through forests.
For example, the widening of
NH-7, which will cut across
the tiger corridor between
Pench and Kanha, is definitely
not going to pass me.
You took up the issue of stopping illegal mining in
Bellary in Karnataka. The
mining group that’s
involved supports the BJP
government in the state. Is
this politically motivated?
Not at all. I was informed of
illegal mining in Bellary
forests, which are of high
ecological value. I have
asked for more information.
If it is illegal, it will be
stopped, and this applies to
anywhere in India, whether
it is a BJP or Congress state. I
am aware that illegal mining is also an issue in Goa, and a
few other states, and these
will be looked into.
| ‘Our environmental regulations meet
industrial and not environmental
objectives,’ says Ramesh |
The Copenhagen conference
is upon us. What is
India’s stance on the
Climate Change debate? Is
India doing enough?
I think the MoEF in successive
governments has been far too
preoccupied with the international dimension of climate
change. There is a strong local
and national dimension. One
side of the issue is international
negotiations, but
equally important is the domestic
agenda. We are seeing
the impact — dry cycles are
getting longer in India, glaciers
are receding, rivers are
drying up, agricultural yields
are stagnating. We have to do
something. We have eight
missions outlined in our National
Action Plan for Climate
Change. I would say these are eight aspirations, which need
to be translated into performance-
oriented missions,
which will, over a period of
time, begin to have an impact
- else they are meaningless.
The energy sector is going
to be crucial to the domestic
debate. We need to show the
significant difference between
the business-as-usual scenario
and a climate changesensitive
scenario. If you are
going to have a GDP growth of
eight percent per year, the energy
consumption has to
grow by seven percent. How
you have that seven percent
in a climate change-sensitive
manner is the challenge. I am
a great believer in technology.
It is technology that will help
us achieve clean coal, more
renewables and more energy
efficiency in every sphere.
The Green India plan has
met with opposition. It is
argued that deforestation is
one of the biggest contributors
to climate change, and
the 11,000 crore CAMPA
(Compensatory Afforestation
Management and
Planning Agency) fund must
be spent in protecting
existing forests rather than
dead-end plantations.
I believe forest cover is better
than monoculture plantations,
for the former are
multi-layered eco-systems.
Our first challenge is to preserve
the existing forest cover,
roughly 24 percent, and to
improve its quality. Nearly 60
percent is degraded forests,
which we must improve to
high-density forests. That will
have a tremendous impact
on carbon sequestration. But
India’s targetted 33 percentgreen
cover can only come
from afforestation.
WRITER’S EMAIL
bindra.prerna@gmail.com |