| From
Tehelka Magazine, Vol 5, Issue 42, Dated Oct 25, 2008 |
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| CURRENT
AFFAIRS |
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understanding kashmir |
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Self-Governance:
No Master, No Surrogate
The bottomline is there cannot be any solution within
the framework of the Indian Constitution
MIRWAIZ UMAR FAROOQ
Leader, Hurriyat Conference
TO UNDERSTAND Kashmir, it is important to
understand the new mood. Two significant
things have happened and they demand
attention. There has been a successful shift of
the struggle to Generation Next which is
taking charge. Equally important, the indigenous nature of
the movement has come to the forefront. Earlier, whatever
happened in Kashmir was always attributed to Pakistan.
Nobody can say that now. Eyebrows were raised by some
quarters that Pakistan remained silent, but as a Kashmiri I
feel it has worked to our benefit. If you look at the Indian
public’s perception, they have always looked at Kashmir
through the Pakistani prism. That has shifted, ensuing a
serious debate over the issue, which is encouraging.
The gun has definitely played a role. It was the
mujahideen who brought the Kashmir issue out of the cold
storage into the limelight. But, at the same time, we need to
remember that militancy is
only a part of it. The gun has
already taken a backseat in the
sense that they are supporting
us from the back. And I think
they should continue to support
peaceful means of putting forward our point of view.
Indian agencies are working hard to convert this peaceful
struggle into a violent one. No chance should be provided to
them. It is very good that the mujahideen have understood
that and are supporting peaceful protests.
New Delhi jumps at the mention of the word azadi. It is not
an abstract idea, but a very tangible reality that can be practised.
It denotes both physical and emotional non-dependence.
There are some who are apprehensive. They say that the state
is land-locked between three major powers who will not allow
it to remain free; besides, they say, it will be unable to survive
economically. To them I say, look around you, you will find
many entities much smaller than our state not only existing
but prospering. The principle of peaceful co-existence and
mutual cooperation is what we believe in. For us, if freedom is
important, it is equally important to have good and workable
relations with all our neighbours, including India. We harbour
no ill will towards the people of India. It is the policies of the
Government of India that are the main source of discord
among the people of the region. When General Musharraf
came up with a four-point formula, we supported it because
the first thing it talked about was self-governance — based on
the universal principle of “no master, no surrogate.” It was
meant to place Kashmiris as masters of their own destiny and
not as dependents of India or, for that matter, Pakistan.
Nobody can deny the fact that after 1947, a majority of the
people talked of merger with Pakistan. Similarly, for a long time
the only resolution of the dispute was seen in the implementation
of the UN resolutions. But with time things changed;
the idea of an independent state came up. Likewise, for the
first time the idea of tripartite dialogue was suggested by my
late father, Mirwaiz Molvi Farooq, as an alternate solution.
Since then, many new ideas have come up. For example, we
talk about the United States of Kashmir, the Dixon Plan,
various proposals given by the Kashmir Study Group, Musharraf’s
four-point formula, etc.
Suggestions and proposals
which can show a way forward
should be welcome.
I don’t see any shift in Pakistan’s
policy; only the strategy
may have changed. Over the years, both at the domestic and
the international level, the Government of India has tried to
link the Kashmir issue with what it calls Pakistan’s ambitions
around it, thus justifying all that it does here. They have
repeatedly been telling their people that Pakistan wants to
annex Kashmir, grab the land and terrorise the people, playing
upon their nationalist sentiments. To counter it, Pakistan, for
the past few years, has put itself in the background and Kashmiri
interests in the foreground. Before that, for Pakistan it was
only about Kashmir banega Pakistan, as for India, it is still an
atoot ang (indivisible part). Such an approach kept limiting this
human issue to just being a territorial dispute between two
neighbouring countries, with no hope of relief for the suffering
people. Today, India is being forced to reciprocate.
India missed an opportunity by not working on Musharraf’s
proposals. I believe that Musharraf’s approach was basically
to bring India to the negotiation table, giving them very
little room to excuse themselves. At the international level,
India kept saying that it was ready to address the problem but
couldn’t allow Kashmir to become Pakistan. They portrayed
the Kashmiri struggle only in the garb of Pakistan’s aspirations.
Musharraf tried to beat them at their own game, and said that
whatever is acceptable to Kashmiris is acceptable to Pakistan.
WE ENGAGED in a dialogue with the Centre, but if
anyone expected the Hurriyat to resolve the
Kashmir problem at once, it can only be termed
as wishful thinking. For the first time, there were direct talks
between those representing the aspirations of the Kashmiri
people and New Delhi. Both were coming from a position and
sticking firmly to it. Confidence-building measures required
to carry the process forward were not honoured by New Delhi
and promises made were not kept. The sincerity exhibited on
our part was, unfortunately, not reciprocated. We felt let
down. But, for the first time, Kashmiris were accepted as a
party to the dispute, which was an important step. Let me also
put it on record again that there were no conditions put forward
by New Delhi when we entered into the dialogue with
them. The talks were absolutely unconditional and only for
the resolution of the issue. Moreover, no one can deny the
importance of dialogue at any juncture. We believe the
resolution of the issue can only come through either the
implementation of the UN resolutions or tripartite dialogue.
In this regard, the ball is in India’s court now. If India has
something else in mind, let them put it to us.
New Delhi is happy portraying normalcy by focusing on
Kashmir’s tulip gardens and trade across the Line of Control
(LoC ). But let me make it absolutely clear that cross-LoC trade
isn’t a matter between India and Pakistan but between two
provinces of Kashmir. We want unconditional trade. This
shouldn’t be symbolic like the bus service, but a viable alternative
route. We are going to Pakistan soon and we would
make it clear that Kashmir should be made an open trade zone.
The only way of ensuring a permanent end to the issue is
the meaningful involvement of the people of Jammu and
Kashmir in any resolution regarding their future. Kashmiris
cannot, and should not, be taken for granted either by India
or Pakistan. No one can decide our fate. We have earned
what we are demanding. Too many sacrifices have been
made. The bottomline — no solution is possible within the
framework of the Indian Constitution. Apart from that, we
are ready to discuss every possibility, suggestion and
proposal on the basis of merit.
Holding elections to portray normalcy is also no solution.
Elections to what end? If for day-to-day governance, then such
an exercise is meaningful only in sovereign states. What meaning
does it have in a place where you have five lakh troops
converting the place into a garrison, gross violation of human
rights, and day-in-and-day-out killing of unarmed people
demanding basic rights? I’d say again: dialogue is the way
forward. It is extremely important that even the mujahideen
are supporting the current mass movement. •
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