| From
Tehelka Magazine, Vol 5, Issue 40, Dated Oct 11, 2008 |
|
| CURRENT
AFFAIRS |
|
in cold blood |
|
‘Vajpayee
could have intervened, but did not’
Justice JS Verma, who headed the
NHRC during the Gujarat carnage, tells NEHA DIXIT that the Nanavati Commission
Report is far from the truth
|
Photos: AFP |
You said only somebody ‘naïve’ could absolve the Narendra
Modi Government and the police of wrongdoings in the
Godhra carnage. Why?
Because the report is far from the truth. Even a bare glance at
the recommendations made by the National Human Rights
Commission (NHRC) during the riots will prove this. The very
first intervention of the NHRC, in March 2002, clearly suggested
that both the police force and the highest functionaries
of the state government were inactive in protecting its people.
The Nanavati report states that there is absolutely no
evidence of any lapse on the part
of the Modi government in the
matter of not complying with the
NHRC recommendations.
During the Gujarat riots, I was the
chairperson of the NHRC. In the 11 orders passed by the NHRC
between March 1, 2002, and July 11, 2003, two orders on April
1 and May 31, 2002, unequivocally indicted the state government.
In the April order, the NHRC clearly stated that the government
is doing little to stop the violation of fundamental
rights to life and dignity of the people in Gujarat. A year after
Godhra, a letter was also sent to the then prime minister, Atal
Bihari Vajpayee, to intervene and ensure that the government
was proceeding with adequate integrity.
What was Vajpayee’s response?
He could have stepped in to monitor the situation and issue
directives to the competent authorities, but he did not even
comment. Nothing came over, except for a formal acknowledgement
from the Prime Minister’s Office.
The report says that the government did not slip at all in
providing protection and rehabilitation to the victims...
This is false again. Many of the largest rescue camps, including
Shah-e-Alam in Ahmedabad, did not receive visits at a high
political or administrative level till I visited them. This indicated
a deeper malaise, discriminatory in origin and character.
In its observation on the rescue, relief and rehabilitation measures,
the NHRC also said that numerous complaints have been
received regarding the lack of facilities in the camps.
You also raised questions on discriminatory practices
during the riots. What were they?
In the NHRC REPORT for 2001-02,
the commission noted two matters
that raised serious questions
of discriminatory treatment. The
first was the announcement of
Rs 2 lakh to the next of kin of the karsevaks who perished in
the attack on the Sabarmati Express, and of Rs 1 lakh for those
who died in the riots. The second related to the application of
POTA to the first incident, but not to the riots. These issues seriously
impinge on the provisions of the Constitution that guarantee
equality before the law and equal protection of the laws
within the territory of India, and the prohibition of discrimination
on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth.
The day the Nanavati Commission was appointed to probe
the Gujarat riots, you expressed your apprehensions. Why?
I had expressed my concerns as the NHRC head. Now that I am
out of it, I have nothing to say regarding this.
The Supreme Court set up a SIT under a former CBI director.
Shouldn’t Nanavati have waited for their report?
This you should ask Nanavati, not me. |