Musharraf's Three Pluses

Pervez Musharraf was the victim of the success of his own liberal policies

MUSHAHID HUSSAIN

IT WAS September 2004. General Pervez Musharraf had made a public commitment in December 2003 that he would take off his uniform by December 2004. I was woken by my son well past midnight: “Baba, the President wants to speak to you”. General Musharraf came on the line, and quickly came to the point. I could hear a popular Lata number from the 1960s. He said, “Mushahid, tell me, what is the worst case scenario if I decide not to take off my uniform?” I said I would discuss it over lunch the next day. My meeting with him took place in the presence of Tariq Aziz, his most trusted confidant and his main back-channel negotiator with India. My thrust was two-fold: a lesson from the past and what could happen in the future. While strongly advocating that he take off his uniform — a view endorsed by Tariq Aziz as well — I told him, “Please remember what happened to your three military predecessors — Field Marshal Ayub Khan, General Yahya Khan, and General Zia ul-Haq. In the end, all three were ditched by their own colleagues in the military after the ground realities changed. The institution of the army is bigger then any individual. I do not want this to happen to you — that you outlive your welcome.”

I also told him, if you choose to renege on your commitment, then you will end up making the mother of all deals with Benazir Bhutto to stay on in power. He listened carefully and then gave a list of reasons why his uniform was necessary in the “supreme national interest”, including the peace process with India and the quest for Kashmir.

Now that Musharraf has left the scene, it is time to analyse his legacy. The manner of his exit has been quite dignified and, for a change, the transition was not messy. It was strictly in accordance with the Constitution, and in a transparent manner. This demonstrates that Pakistan’s democracy has passed its crucial test: a smooth and stable transition. It is a coming of age for the political system, credit for which must be given to all of the players — Musharraf, the army, and the government, too, for avoiding the usual shenanigans of the past.

Musharraf was a military ruler with a difference. He had a liberal outlook and his economic policies led to the emergence of an assertive and articulate middle class. In fact, he was the victim of his own success. Musharraf will be remembered for three major pluses:

• He was the first military ruler to engage India in an institutional peace process. The main security threat to Pakistan was redefined, away from India, to the internally-generated spectre of extremism.

• He presided over one of the fastest media revolutions in any third world country. Within five years, Pakistan moved from one stateowned television channel to over 50 private-owned news and entertainment channels. The media revolution gave the urban middle class the confidence to challenge state authority.

• The role and representation of women in Pakistan’s public life received a boost from Musharraf’s policies, ranging from reversing the wrongs of the Zia era, to promoting one-third representation for women in Pakistan’s electoral system.

But, like his military predecessors, Musharraf’s failure was fundamentally political, He failed to resolve political problems and used a hamhanded approach to such issues as autonomy for Balochistan and an independent judiciary. He mistook America’s new-found interest in Pakistan as a strategic convergence of interest when it is more a tactical congruence of objectives regarding terrorism and extremism, while strong difference remains. Musharraf was the ultimate survivor — a cat with nine lives. But his luck ran out with the disastrous 2007 sacking of the Chief Justice and the imposition of emergency.

When I met him the day after his resignation, he was relaxed. He said he would like to be “on the sideline for the time being and play bridge with my buddies”. I drew his attention to a story which said that he was humming a sad song of Rafi. He replied with a smile, “that’s not true, as I am not a Rafi fan, my favourite is Mukesh.” I promised him an ipod full of old songs. With Nawaz Sharif pulling out of the ruling coalition, Mukesh’s melodies may now just sound sweeter to Musharraf.

Hussain is Secretary General, Pakistan Muslim League-Q