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CRUSADE

Land for land is a big hoax

The MP government’s claim that the rehabilitation process in the Narmada Valley is over is a blatant lie, reports Etmad A. Khan from Badwani

Listen To Us: Displaced people block the visiting Union ministers’ car in the valley
Photo Anurag Singh
 
There is no rehabilitation in the villages of Piplud, Alwada, Khaparkheda, Kulig, Gongsa and Dhajara. Indeed, 26 villages of Alipur have no rehabilitation sites
The BJP-led Madhya Pradesh government’s counsel claimed in the Supreme Court on April 17 that the rehabilitation process is over in the state. This implies that as far as people displaced (or going to be displaced as the dam height increases with the rapid construction going on at the site) by the Sardar Sarovar project is concerned, rehabilitation has been done. Earlier, Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chauhan reportedly claimed that most project affected families have been rehabilitated and only a few remain.

This reporter travelled across the submergence zone and found that the MP government was fudging on facts on the ground. Also, this was a blatant violation of the Supreme Court order that the dam height cannot be increased unless the displaced are given full and proper rehabilitation, with all forms of civic amenities and public infrastructure, six months before the construction begins beyond 110 metres. (Also see, Tehelka’s expose last week on the rehabilitation scam, Anger in the Valley, April 22, 2006).

Is rehabilitation possible in three months while construction goes on, as the Centre seems to have claimed despite the group of ministers’ damning report on the pathetic situation in the valley, categorically stating that relief and rehabilitation has been largely on paper, especially in Madhya Pradesh. The officialdom is hyper active in the valley, but it’s next to impossible to even fulfill a drop of this major promise. Witness these facts.

There is no basic rehabilitation in the villages of Piplud, Alwada, Khaparkheda, Kulig, Gongsa and Dhajara. Indeed, 26 villages of Alipur has no rehabilitation sites. In Picchodi, 840 families are supposed to be fully rehabilitated with only 62 plots. Under Section 6 of the Land Acquisition Act, 146 families of Chota Badada village were targeted — at 110 metres height of the dam, 49 families in the submergence zone are yet to be rehabilitated.

Madhya Pradesh apparently has insufficient land for compensation, especially fertile land. Where will it accommodate thousands of families who will be displaced this monsoon in case the height is further increased? Officials privately claim that it is virtually impossible to resettle people on the land for land clause. While cash compensation has created a virtual mafia of corrupt operators who take cuts and bribes for procuring it for the farmers, through a maze of bureaucratic hurdles, there is stark absence of fertile land. In Boregaon village, 7 hectares of land has been allotted to 370 affected people — even a miracle can’t push this impossible task of full and proper rehabilitation. (In Delhi in early April, Union Home Minister Shivraj Patil had told a delegation of NBA supporters, “Where is the land?” This was stated by Professor Kamal Mitra Chenoy from jnu, who was part of the delegation.)

Modi hogged the limelight while Congress leaders tried hard, in vain, to convince the people that the PM should be given credit for not stopping the dam’s construction
The Grievance Redressal Authority (GRA), based in Bhopal, has apparently not even visited the affected villages since the last many months — some locals say it’s been six years. There are 5,000 applications pending in the GRA. “How do you expect poor adivasis to go to Bhopal and present their case?” says NBA activist, villager Mohanbhai. “Can they even step into those big offices with confidence? Will they even listen to a villager’s litany of complaints?”

A letter issued by the rehabilitation officer of Badwani on January 19, 2006, asking the villagers to vacate their land, is full of mysterious loopholes. The letter has annexed a list of names of people affected at 121.92 metres height. Shambhu, son of Kalya, is listed at serial number 61, who will be affected at 121.92 metres. Serial number 62 cites the name of Badrilal. However, another list of the MP government shows the same names on serial numbers 35 and 36. The shocking fact is that both these people have already been affected when the dam was initially being built, perhaps at 95 metres height.

The only change is the serial number in the two lists. These two villagers were apparently also given land in Gujarat from where they came back, dissatisfied. This means that the people on the list were not rehabilitated in the first instance.

Currently, because of the NBA agitation in Delhi and the Supreme Court’s orders, hectic activity is going on in the valley. Survey work is going on in full swing and collectors in many districts have issued instructions that the surveys must conclude before April 30, and this includes those villages in the submergence zone at 121.92 metres. However, even while initial survey work is going on, action taken reports have been issued in some areas.

The district collector of Badwani has written a letter that in a meeting with the divisional commissioner of Indore it has been decided to shift the villagers once every house is marked and details about the family, its head and adult sons are covered in 30 villages. The list with which the new numbers are being marked is six years old and in some families adult sons have to be added in the compensation package, as per the Narmada tribunal guidelines which was ratified by the Supreme Court.

The Grievance Redressal Authority based in Bhopal has apparently not even visited the affected villages for many months
Even other indicators seem to reflect that different agencies are having different data and methodologies. A junior engineer admitted that there were differences in the ‘contour line’ in the revenue records. Besides, several hundred cases listed in the GRA records are pending, and until their claims and grievances are resolved, the final list of oustees can’t be completed.

The compensatory forestation programme seems to be a hoax. NBA activist Devram informed that in Siyali village, in 1993, the forest department dug pits for plantation, but the trees that were planted didn’t survive. In Jamani village, plantation was done on private land, but nothing has survived. While the plantation schemes continue, apparently at huge cost, even a rare tree can’t be spotted in the area.

Meanwhile, at Ahmedabad, Narendra Modi not only stole the limelight but also scored a political point over the ‘pro-dam’ Congress in Gujarat where Assembly elections are due next year. Modi hijacked the Sardar Sarovar Project issue and put the Central government in dock. He also ensured that the BJP government in MP escapes the blame for its miserable failure on the rehabilitation front. Modi not only branded the UPA regime as anti-Gujarat, he especially targeted Union Water Resources Minister Saiffuddin Soz, who is a Kashmiri Muslim.

According to a senior Congress leader, despite the prime minister’s assurance, Modi went on a 51-hour fast because he was playing chauvinistic and vote bank politics. “By going on a fast, he hogged all the limelight while our leaders tried hard, in vain, to convince the people that it was the Congress which should take the credit for the prime minister’s decision not to stop construction after the Narmada Control Authority Review Committee stand-off,” a Congress mla said.

“Modi has made the lifeline of Gujarat his political lifeline by enacting the drama of sitting on a fast. He is trying to take political mileage out of the Narmada issue,” said a desperate Shankersinh Vaghela. “His tone and tenor would have been completely different had there been a Congress government in MP.”

According to analyst Achyut Yagnik, Modi allowed the dam issue to be politicised so that he could play the usual chauvinistic politics of Gujarati asmita. “He jumped on the bandwagon at a time when the issue became politicised so that he could raise Gujarati sub-nationalism or provincialism. He became a catalyst of Gujarat provincialism which is most likely to give him electoral benefits.”

Witness this typical Modi threat: “Don’t play mischief with Gujarat. We believe in non- violence, but if Gujarat is provoked, it will not tolerate anyone. We are ready for any sacrifice.” Indeed, by succumbing to Modi and not heeding its own ministerial team’s report, the Congress and UPA regime has given Modi a brand new lease of life.

Inputs from Mahesh Langa in Ahmedabad

Apr 29 , 2006
 

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