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Free Speech
or hate speech?
Why
can’t we see that those who are on the streets protesting against
their Prophet being depicted as a terrorist are in reality distancing
themselves from terrorism?
By
Mahmood Mamdani
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Mahmood
Mamdani |
I empathise with those
baffled by the rapidly spiralling controversy around the series of cartoons
depicting Prophet Muhammad. The cartoons were first published in the Danish
paper, Jyllands-Posten, nearly five months ago, in September. The initial
protest was limited to Denmark’s Muslim minority but was brushed
off by both government and civil society. This is when some of the ultra-conservative
Danish imams took up the matter and set off for Saudi Arabia and Egypt
with a dossier containing the inflammatory cartoons. Last week came the
diplomatic explosion: Saudi Arabia recalled its ambassador in Denmark
and Libya shut its embassy. Then followed the boycott of Danish goods,
demonstrations, strikes, flag burning, and now fires set to embassies
in Damascus and Beirut.
All this before the disclosure that a Danish illustrator had in April
2003 submitted a series of unsolicited cartoons dealing with the resurrection
of Christ to Jyllands-Posten, only to receive an e-mail from the paper’s
Sunday editor: “I don’t think Jyllands-Posten’s readers
will enjoy the drawings. As a matter of fact, I think that they will provoke
an outcry. Therefore, I will not use them.”
One wonders about the intensity of the protests. Especially since 9/11,
Prophet Muhammad has been vilified in print by several public figures,
from Reverend Franklin Graham — son of Billy Graham and spiritual
advisor to US President George W. Bush — who has publicly called
Islam “an evil and wicked religion” to Reverend Jerry Vines,
past president of the Southern Baptist Convention, who called Prophet
Muhammad “a demon-possessed paedophile” during a keynote address.
But none evoked the tide of public protest as have the cartoons.
When the paper at the centre of the controversy apologised because the
cartoons had “indisputably offended many Muslims”, the Right-wing
European press, outraged by this “caving in”, took up the
cause. Led by France Soir in Paris and Die Welt in Berlin, they began
to reprint the cartoons, sometimes on the front page with the original
frame blown up. Others, including the Left-leaning Der Tagesspiegel in
Germany, joined. “It’s the core of our culture,” Die
Welt’s editor-in-chief told The Guardian, “that the most sacred
things can be subjected to criticism, laughter and satire.”
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Colours
of Dissent: Danish Muslims protest in Copenhagen, Denmark
AP Photo |
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Those shut out of public
life realise they have an issue they can push without facing State
repression. Hence they are pressing their point that the War on
Terror is nothing but a war against Islam and Muslims |
Everyone agrees that
the cartoons are offensive, and not particularly because they portray
the Prophet in human form. (After all, you can see such depictions in
both Ottoman Turkish and Persian miniatures, as well as in contemporary
Iran.) At the heart of the offence is their message. One cartoon depicts
the Prophet wearing a turban which turns out to be a bomb with a lit fuse.
Another has him tell a queue of ragged suicide bombers: “Stop, stop,
we’ve run out of virgins.” The no-frills genre of the cartoon
conveys the message starkly, without qualification: this is a terrorist
and sexist religion.
Why do we not draw the conclusion that those who protest against their
Prophet being depicted as a terrorist are in reality distancing themselves
from terrorism, in fact, demonstrating against it? I suppose because we
realise that there is more to the demonstrations than just a vote for
or against terrorism. That something more depends on the context of the
demonstrations.
I wish to draw attention to two different contexts: Muslim-majority countries
and Europe. In both cases, the protests have an overwhelming local significance.
The demonstrations in Muslim-majority countries include a variety of contradictory
forces. For one, in this period ushered in by Hamas’ astonishing
electoral victory, pro-American governments are anxious about Islamist
mobilisation and eager to pre-empt it. Rather than curb, they would wish
to claim ownership of the demonstrations. At the same time, those shut
out of public life, extremist or not, realise they have found an issue
on which they can call their governments to account without fear of facing
direct repression; so they press home their point that the War on Terror
their governments have joined unreservedly is at its core a war against
Islam and Muslims. Here, then, is an issue which allows local civil society
an opportunity to exercise freedom of speech to confront their own governments,
alongside those of Europe.
In Europe, too, there is a local and an equally complex dimension to the
protests. The official American-British dissent from the governmental
chorus in Europe neatly echoes the divide on the question of Turkey’s
admission into Europe. One is struck about how quickly the issue of free
speech has folded into that of civilisation versus darkness. The shift
has enormous significance for the European debate.
If the issue is one of free speech, there is no necessary reason why Christian
Europe should be seen to be a principled defender of free speech, and
Muslim Europe in disagreement in principle. But if the issue is recast
as one of enlightenment versus barbarism by Europeans, then surely there
is hardly a Muslim who would be in doubt as to which side of the contest
he or she is supposed to represent. For those looking for an apt analogy
to understand the significance of the cartoon controversy, it would not
be an insensitive satirising of Jesus that devout Christians would find
blasphemous, a religious transgression, but an anti-Semitic hate cartoon
that would alarm all decent people, secular or religious.
The group best placed to sense the gravity of this moment is that of European
Muslims. They must be acutely aware that the depiction of Prophet Muhammad
as a terrorist and sexist goes beyond a general demonisation of Muslims
to a direct assault on Muslims in Europe. Surely, even the most assimilated
must realise that the demand that they accept not just the principle of
free speech but unconditionally support its every use as the price of
political and social acceptance in Europe, is a thinly disguised demand
that European Muslims renounce their own freedoms and capitulate.
It is difficult to ignore the emerging European consensus that it is not
just freedom of speech, but Europe’s secular civilisation that is
at stake. It recalls times when both the Left and Right have portrayed
the empire as a necessary defence of civilisation, at first equated with
Christianity and later human rights. Is there a way out of this confrontation
other than calling on European governments to ban the publication of cartoons?
I hope there is. And this brings me to the source of my current bafflement.
Every morning, as I read the paper or surf the Internet, I anxiously look
for significant European voices — not from the government but from
the world of the intellect and the arts — that would distance themselves
from this attempt to promote Islamophobia as an exercise in free speech.
I eagerly await signs of a lively debate within European civil society,
one that will break the current impasse with testimony that the intellectual
and political children of those who fought fascism in Europe have not
lost the ability to recognise and the courage to fight hate speech in
a different form. I eagerly wait for them to exercise their freedom of
speech.
For now, unfortunately, free speech is being used on both sides of this
controversy as a licence for hate speech, and as a way to trigger a broader
contest that would echo a ‘clash of civilisations’. If there
are passionate defenders of free speech on both sides, there are also
those who recognise that this issue has the potential of driving a broader
political agenda. It is time the defenders of free speech pay attention
to the latter effect. The exercise of free speech has never come free
of consequences, for one and all. This is why every society defines that
which is offensive, which you may have a legal right to say but will morally
refrain from saying; but should you not, then it should not be surprising
that it offends most decent people.
The writer is Herbert Lehman Professor of Government, Columbia University
and
author of Good Muslim, Bad Muslim: America, Cold War, and the Roots of
Terror
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