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A
SMALL STORY WITH A BIG MESSAGE
Here’s a Reality Check
The Christian Mission
arrived here on muleback in 1897. Dr John Buchanan and his Presbyterian
fellows raised the Bhil Mission Church of Amkhut, Jhabua, in 1914. Now,
for the first time in more than a century, the church and its followers
are under siege. Spurred by a sympathetic government, the Hindu fascist
fringe is unfolding its own diabolical mission against the missionaries.
The church you see in the picture below was attacked and vandalised in
mid-January; its adherents were told to give up Christ. This is a small
story from a small village. But Amkhut may be the alarming synopsis of
tomorrow's horror blockbuster. Sankarshan Thakur reports
from a simmering region

FOR WHOM
THE BELLS TOLL: Followers of the Bhil Mission Church of Amkhut
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This is an unfolding
crime story. We know the crime. We know the victims. We know the culprits.
The odd thing about this story, even as it gets written, is that it isn't
over yet; there's more to come. What we have no notion of is how deep
the crime will run and how long will the criminals be allowed to remain
at large. Another odd thing about this story is that in their chosen constituency,
the outlaws enjoy the blessings of the law. They are in cahoots.
On the morning of January 16, a procession of 300-odd people emerged from
the Sangwan jungles surrounding Amkhut and filed purposefully up the hillock
where the Bhil Church Mission of 1914 stands. They were not local, tribal
people but they wore their emblems loudly enough for there to be no confusion:
they were carrying saffron flags and banners and they were demanding the
ouster of Christ and churches from Jhabua. " Church-isaai, Jhabua
chhoro, Jhabua chhoro".It was a Friday. The church doors were shut.
Classes were on in the Masihi Madhayamik Vidyalaya on the premises. At
first few took notice. Amkhut abuts Gujarat - Godhra and Dahod - and people
had got used to the odd Hindu religious congregation or procession, especially
since Narendra Modi's resounding victory in the assembly elections.
But then they could not ignore the processionists any more. They walked
into the classrooms of the barrack-like middle-school, tore up posters
of Christ, flung aside copies of the Bible and warned students never to
wear the Cross. "Yeh Hindusthan hai," one of them said, "Yahan
ab Jesus-vesus jyada nahin chalega." (This is a Hindu country, Jesus
worship won't work here too long.)
Angelina Duncan, an elderly arithmetic teacher, remembers trying to reason
with them. "I told them they were doing wrong things. I told them
we had done no harm to them. I asked them to leave but they wanted to
frighten us, I think. They would not leave. They came and erupted like
a storm."
One
of the kids sneaked out of a back door, clambered up the slope to the
church, and began tolling the huge brass bell that has hung there for
close to a century. Community members gathered and there were skirmishes.
The processionists left, promising they would come back. Amkhut sighed.
But worse was to come.
News of the saffron processionists' retreat from Amkhut went out on the
jungle wire and lit fires everywhere. A small church at Kathiwara nearby
was torched the same afternoon. The church in Alirajpur, the tehsil headquarters,
was stoned and vandalised. Houses of eight Christian families in the little
town were consumed by mob fury. In Punyawad, another tribal hamlet, people
arrived in jeeps and trucks and began attacking Christian homes and institutions.
The Amkhut church itself came under renewed assault, this time by stone-pelting
hordes led by the local BJP MLA, Nagar Singh Chauhan.
The speed and focus of the counter-offensive had been stunning. It was
as if the saffron-shirts were ready and waiting in the neighbourhood for
a signal to swoop. Amkhut lies in a remote, underfed corner of an extremely
backward district. Roads are poor, communications erratic. To have organised
a multi-pronged counterblast within an hour in this famished wilderness
must have taken some doing.
But then, that is what the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and its front
organisations have achieved in Jhabua over the past two decades-a network
and following that is now geared to "reclaim" Jhabua from "Christian
occupation". There is scarcely a large village in Jhabua today where
the Sangh hasn't left its signature-a Vanvasi Kalyan Kendra unit, or a
Sewa Bharati, or a Dharam Jagaran Manch activist, or, as in a nondescript
office in Meghnagar close to Jhabua, the RSS itself. "We work with
specific aims and objectives and one of them is to work for a strong and
proud Hindu Bharat," says Vaibhav, an RSS backroom boy credited with
the obvious success of the saffron counter-offensive in Jhabua at both
social and political levels.

SERIAL CARNAGE: the charred homes of Christians in Alirajpur |
Till not so long ago, Jhabua-85 percent tribal-was a Congress pocket borough,
a district the party took for granted. In the recent assembly elections,
the Congress was wiped out. Seats like Thandela and Alirajpur, which had
never gone against the Congress barring 1977, fell. Both to BJP candidates.
"This is a sign that tribal society is waking up, that it is realising
the power of Ram and his soldiers," says Kal Singh Bhabhar, newly-
elected MLA from Thandla. "Christians have been fooling the tribals
for too long, now is the time for us to correct things." I had caught
up with Bhabhar in Pipalkhunta, a temple-mound on the Madhya Pradesh-Gujarat
border. They were holding a "Sangh Karyakarta Shivir" (RSS cadre
camp) in the temple premises, just one of many get-togethers to take stock
of their campaign to "rid Jhabua" of "outsiders".
The verdict of the recent elections, Bhabhar said, was clear - "log
swachha Hindu rashtra chahte hain aur hum us udyeshya ke liye ladenge."
(People want a pure Hindu rashtra and we shall fight for that.) And with
sadhvi Uma Bharti in the saddle in Bhopal, men like Bhabhar are doubly
enthused and emboldened.
Guess, for instance, how the chief minister reacted to the January 16
outrage in Jhabua? She arrived for an inspection a few days later, ordered
her chopper to land on a hilltop well away from the Amkhut Church, spoke
to local BJP and RSS workers, concluded that they had been fired on from
inside the church, and lifted off. If anyone should have a grievance in
Amkhut, she said, it is poor Hindus whose "non-violent procession"
was met with fire.
The
story of firing from within the Amkhut Church-like a lie repeated a thousand
times-has become the unquestionable truth for some. One among the saffron
demonstrators on January 16, a young man called Arjun Pal, did die of
bullet injuries that day. But he was hit at Punyawad, some 15 km and three
undulating hills away from Amkhut; there is no way a shot fired from the
Amkhut Church could hit someone in Punyawad. But then, such is the stuff
of convenient and destructive myth-making. Rev Emannuel Ariel, pastor
of the Amkhut Church, and Theophilis Stephen, principal of the Masihi
Madhyamik School, are in jail on charges of murder and attempt to murder.
The remains of Arjun Pal, who probably just got caught in the pirouette
of confrontation, are doing incendiary rounds of Jhabua in flower-bedecked
pots; they needed a martyr to give that edge to the cry against Christ
and Christianity. They've made one of Arjun Pal.
Melvyn Christopher
is a small man with a huge heart. Else we would not have met him where
we did-in the church at Alirajpur, a town that has almost entirely been
cleansed of Christians now. Christopher, a doughty five-foot nothing,
chose to stay. "Who would have looked after our church? It has been
here for more than 90 years and it would be unfair to just let it go away."
A retired government clerk who has been treasurer of the Alirajpur Church
for the last five years, Christopher was sunning himself on the afternoon
on January 16 when he heard excited, angered voices heading his way. "My
wife is a nurse in the local hospital so everybody respects us. I never
thought they were coming for me. I just went to look." The tiny tide
flung him aside, invaded the church and, by the time it exited, the ruin
had piled high. A devastated mantle, broken chairs and benches, torn curtains,
burning mattresses. They also entered the private rooms and broke the
Christophers' little colour television, their fridge and their gas stove.
"They left the cylinder nozzle open, thank God there was no fire
nearby, the church would have exploded."
Last week, he
raised enough money-"I have a meagre pension, nothing else"-to
have cast-iron gates installed where the church doors once stood. "It
looks ugly, I know," he said a little sheepishly, "but it is
more secure. You don't get help here, not from anyone."
Various parts of Alirajpur were aflame that afternoon and nothing happened
other than the flames running their ruinous course through the homes of
Christian families. Not a furlong away from Christopher's church is a
block of government houses reduced to burnt shells. Besides them is a
three-storeyed private house, also owned by a Christian family, also reduced
to ash and soot. "They came and selectively burnt," says Mukul,
who is overseeing the construction of his own house in the neighbourhood.
"The Christians had no choice but to run away with whatever they
could. I don't think they will ever come back. It's a shame, they were
good people and this was their home."
A few questions:
Where have Christians of Alirajpur run away?
Most of them to settlements in Jobut and Indore where their numbers are
larger.
Why did
they have to run?
Because there was nobody to defend them there, least of all the administration.
They feel let down, betrayed; they have no faith in the system.
Why didn't
the State intervene?
Bluntly, because it is now in the hands of those who are collaborating
with the outlaw. In Amkhut, in Alirajpur, in Kathiwara, in Punyavaad,
in all the places hit by organised violence on January 16, a police post
or station was no more than a 100 metres away. In all cases, nobody intervened.
Why? It isn't a question that usually fetches honest answers in this country.
But there are a few clues to why the police and the administration held
themselves back. In Amkhut as well as in Alirajpur, among the men leading
the hoodlum gangs was Chauhan, BJP MLA from Alirajpur. A senior police
officer in Jhabua told Tehelka: "When ruling party leaders are going
on the rampage themselves, it is often difficult to intervene. It is an
Indian reality. The message in Jhabua was clear that day and it still
is: do not touch the saffron brigade."
When he first heard
reports of what had happened in Amkhut and Alirajpur, Bishop Lakshman
Maida, head of the Indore chapter of the Diocese of Bhopal, went to the
district administration to seek help. "They said they had only got
preliminary reports and they would have to wait. I asked why the police
had not stirred even though it was within a stone's throw from most places
hit by violence, they just shrugged. Our priests have been arrested for
a fraudulent case of firing, nobody from the other side has even been
questioned, let alone arrested. Can't you draw your own conclusions about
what is happening in these parts after Uma Bharti came to power?"
Bishop Maida left
for Amkhut the next morning but was disallowed from reaching there. He
was advised by the police that it was not "safe enough in the surcharged
atmosphere". He wonders what has happened in Jhabua overnight for
the atmosphere to get suddenly surcharged. "The church has been working
among the people of this particular part of the country for more than
a century. There has never once been a problem. What is new? That the
BJP is in power. That Uma Bharti has become chief minister of Madhya Pradesh?
What can we expect from her and her government?"Very little, if you
were to believe the likes of Melvyn Christopher. "I have spent all
my life here and I cannot leave now but I am almost tempted. The next
time they come, I may not be as lucky," Christopher says.
And he is certain there is going to be another time sooner than later.
"They are not doing all this to sit back and relax, they are going
to take their campaign forward, here, there, everywhere if they get a
chance."
As we drive back from the line of devastated Christian homes towards the
Alirajpur Church, Melvyn Christopher points to the writing on a passing
wall.
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